Apocalyptic
vision in iambic pentameter, Jakob van Hoddis' "Weltende" seemed at
first merely a clever blend of sardonic wit and cool observation, betraying none
of the passion and pain found in, say, Georg Trakl's works. The poem's simplicity
had deceived me, however, as I discovered a few days later while attending a screening
of Fritz Lang's "M." The opening scene showed children standing in a
circle playing a game. Reciting a rhyme to determine whom the bogeyman would take
next, they were unaware that a child murderer (Peter Lorre in his greatest role)
truly did lurk in their neighborhood. The singsong rhythm of recitation despite
the seriousness of the subject brought me back, there in the dark theater, to
Hoddis' poem. Didn't he also depict the world's end in nursery rhyme form, the
man-on-the-street seemingly oblivious to imminent disaster? Didn't his alternation
of mundane and apocalyptic in abba cdcd schema disburden the poem's content of
ominousness? A medium different from the printed page had opened my mind to speculations
about the poem's images, the poet's technique. Hoddis' images are simple;
no rough beasts slouching towards Bethlehem, no slow thighs plodding through the
desert (Yeat's Second Coming - 1921). Yet, their simplicity conceals richness
of expression. The hat, for example, serves two symbolic functions. First, it
indicates the Bürger's class-consciousness, is part of his costume of bourgeois
respectability, of self-satisfaction verging on smugness (Hobsbawm 287). This
explains why the hat rests upon a "pointy head," for "spitze(r)
Kopf" may be compressed to "Spitzkopf," a term loaded with meaning.
Christoph Grieb's Deutsch-Englisches Wörterbuch of 1885 defines a "Spitzkopf"
not merely as a pointed, misshapen head, nor as someone with the misfortune to
carry such, but as a subtle, or subtile, person. "Subtile," of course,
comes from the Latin subtilis, meaning "fine, delicate," ironic in view
of the Bürger¹s obliviousness to events around him. This hapless man-in-the-hat
brings to mind the faceless subjects of Magritte's
paintings, or even Mr Magoo.
In the former the artist juxtaposes the common and the surreal. None of the bowler-crowned
gentlemen raining from the skies shows any alarm
in the 1953 Golconda. Second, the hat flying from the Bürger's head
parallels the roofers tumbling from the rooftops two lines down. "Hut"
suggests the German, "behütet," meaning "protected, sheltered."
When the bourgeois gentleman loses his hat, he has been stripped not only of head
covering but also symbolically of any refuge in the confusing and rapidly changing
modern world of 1911. The roofers' demise indicates that any attempts to construct
shelter are vain. By using the verb "entzwei gehen," Hoddis dehumanizes
the workers while adding a childlike, innocent air to the poem. The deaths are
described as though toys, puppets, rather than human bodies, have been broken.
Indeed, man and his toys, his mass-produced products of modern technology,
fair badly when set against the powers of the natural world. Human devices are
passive; nature, active. Hence, hats fly off, dams collapse, trains fall from
bridges, whereas the heavens scream, seas flood the coasts and hop on land. These
celestial screams may allude to biblical verses in which such cries or trumpet
blasts precede physical destruction of varying degrees. Examples are legion. One
need only turn to Joshua 6:20-21 to read about the fall of Jericho, or the last
cry of Jesus in Matthew 27:50, Mark 15:37, or Luke 23:46 and the subsequent rending
of the temple curtain, the shaking of the earth, the splitting of the rocks --
"entzwei" -- or to Revelation 8:7-12, 9:1, 9:13, and 11:15 with their seven trumpets
and ensuing plagues and pestilences. And just as the deluge in Genesis 7:21-22
caught all but Noah and his family unaware, the bourgeois gent in Hoddis' poem
is passive despite the onset of the apocalypse, stupefied by what he reads --
"liest man" -- in the papers, non-reactive. How did this catatonic state
come about? Before the poem appeared in 1911, newspaper illustrations and
Bilderbogen served as primary visual stimuli for the masses, as television and
the Internet do today. In 1870-1 alone, a firm in Brandenburg produced 3 million
images, including among them "battle-scenes . . . and sensational events
such as shipwrecks (later airship crashes) and natural disasters" (Burns 43).
The ubiquitousness of such images, especially when they were placed among frivolous
stories and advertisements, must have drained them of any personal and emotional
significance. More sophisticated than our forebears, we call this phenomenon "desensitization."
Newspapers devolved into montages of bold-lettered, random facts, all presented
with equal weight and value. Only a year after publication of Weltende,
for example, the front
page story for April 16, 1912, of a Baltimore paper relating the sinking of
the Titanic and loss of 1,200 lives shared space with advertisements for a "Beer
with Snap," a free exhibition by the hypnotist "Marvelle," and
the "Al Reeves Big Beauty Show." The day I composed this piece, my Internet
provider's homepage offered streaming video of the World Trade Center towers collapsing
and links allowing me to "relax to classical music," have my dreams
interpreted interactively, and to find the answer to the burning question: "Riding
horses: Healthy?" So Hoddis' poem reflects the media juxaposition
of comic and tragic; seas hopping/dams collapsing, hats flying/roofers falling,
floods/sniffles (both problems of flow). Railroad cars fly from bridges, bringing
back childhood memories of Lionel electric trains and ill-fated if hilarious circuits
about the family living room. (Didn't Gomez Addams also delight in exploding his
toy trains as they crossed bridges?) What else about the world of 1911 might have
contributed to Hoddis' fractured depiction? A poem, like a flower, doesn't grow
in isolation. There must be some nutritive medium. No less than turn-of-the-century
scientific developments and shifting temporal-spatial paradigms provide a possible
answer. Einstein published three papers in 1905, two of which revolutionized
the way at least other physicists looked at the world. One of these, "On
the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies," introduced the theory of special
relativity, showing that gravity and acceleration are indistinguishable to one
within a closed box. The frazzle-haired German scientist also contended that the
speed of light is constant regardless of one's reference
frame. Hoddis' milieu, then, was one in which old views had recently been
fractured and the world was suffering the birth pangs of modernity. As
in the poem, Nature was not to be outdone by man. On December 28, 1908, a 7.5
magnitude earthquake struck off the Italian coast, centered in the Messina Strait.
Moments later, a forty-foot tsunami crashed ashore. Messina's population fell
from 150,000 to just a few hundred in minutes. The death toll for all of Italy
was about 200,000. Contemporary illustrations of the disaster seem to have been
ordered for Hoddis' description of the world's end. (See http://www.arduini.net/tales/tales15a.htm,
likewise http://www.pbs.org-wgbh-amex-rescue-peopleevents-pandeAMEX99.html.url).
In May 1910, about a year-and-a-half before "Weltende," Halley's comet
swept across the skies. Many observers took the visitation as a portent of doom,
believing the comet¹s tail would wreak havoc. (http://www.aspsky.org/education/tnl/36/hal.html
or the stunning photographs in http://www.jpl.nasa.gov/pictures/comet/halley.html.)
Newspaper stories of the phenomenon and the induced emotional reactions abounded.
Did the comet itself or the Medienlärm about it prompt Hoddis to write: "In
allen Lüften hallt es wie Geschrei"? The poet proved prophetic.
The Bürgerwelt was, after all, shortly to come crashing down in 1914 with
WWI. Hoddis' childlike descriptions of apocalyptic disasters seem to suggest that
the end of the world was just fine with him. His piece reminded me of a Sprichwort
from the waning and carefree days of another empire, the Austro-Hungarian: "Der
Fall ist hoffnungslos, aber nicht ernst." Notes by Richard
John Ascárate
Works cited: Hobsbawm, Eric. "Mass-Producing
Tradition: Europe 1870-1914." In Hobsbawm, Eric (Ed.). The Invention of Tradition.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Lenman, Robin, Osborne, John,
and Sagarra, Ed. "Imperial Germany: Towards the Commercialization of Culture."
In Burns, Rob (Ed.), German Cultural Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1995. |